PRESS RELEASE, by 2nd Lt. Aloys RUYENZI
PRESIDENT PAUL KAGAME is indeed a war criminal, He committed some of his crimes under the disguise of INTERAHAMWE
Recently, press reports, quoting prominent experts of the Great Lakes region, raised again the issue of impunity of president Kagame, with regard to the war crimes that he committed or ordered for. The main point of this paper is to expose one of the hitherto unveiled faces of his crimes. Indeed, some of the crimes which were indiscriminately attributed to Interahamwe were in actual facts carried out by none other than Kagame and his henchmen. In their sinister plans, they would disguise as the notorious militia Interahamwe. This should however not be misconstrued to mean that the latter did not kill.
This is not a hearsays, I am ready to produce evidence and call other people who witnessed the crimes that occurred in the following places :
1. When 7th BN was deployed in areas of Rushashi, Tare, Mbogo, and Rurindo in 1998 the director of schools at Rwankuba, the Bourgmestre of commune Rushashi as well as the agriculture officer of that commune were murdered over the same night. RPF hurriedly blamed their death on Interahamwe insurgents, yet they had been killed by its own elements.
2. The same year of 1998 Kagame planned to kill all civilians who where watching the world cup tournament in the Hotel called “Pensez-Y” and again blame their death on insurgents. Fortunately the operations officer of 7th BN, Capt. Kwizera who had been assigned the task, got drunk and failed to properly coordinate the operation.
Indeed, when the soldiers who were to disguise as Interahamwe insurgents reached the Hotel, they found many RPF soldiers mixed with the civilian crowd which was watching the world cup tournament. They contacted the commanding officer, Major Eugène Nkubito, who angrily told them to tell all the soldiers present to report to their respective positions. When some civilians saw that, they suspected a foul play and also left the Hotel. A few moment later, the Hotel was burnt to ashes and so many civilians who remained watching the TV died. After the operation, Radio Rwanda announced that the Interahamwe had burned that hotel and killed many people.
Despite the number of casualties, Kagame was not happy because the plan did not go the way it had been hatched. He summoned himself Capt. Kwizera in the officers’ mess, sent his own presidential jeep to collect sticks and beat captain Kwizera. The captain was given 100 strokes, demoted to the rank of private and put behind bars till he was dismissed from the army. This was done in public and many people watched the scene.
After that action of burning the Hotel “Pensez-y” and killing the civilians watching the world cup tournament they announced as anticipated that, the Interahamwe burnt the Hotel and killed so many people.
3. Another glaring example is the killing of western tourists in the Bwindi National Park, which prominently featured in western media. RPF immediately blamed it on the Interahamwe and so did the western media. Yet, they had been killed by RPF soldiers disguised as Interahamwe. The decision to kill western tourists venturing in that area had been taken manly for two reasons:
Ø The issue of Interahmwe would be more internationalised if they were accused of killing innocent western tourists. As a result, RPF would be given a free hand in fighting them the way it wants and wherever they are suspected to be;
Ø RPF suspected some Europeans of sympathising with Interahamwe by disclosing to them the positions of RPF. Moreover, the presence of foreigners near an insurgent area was hindering RPF atrocities perpetrated under the disguise of counter insurgents operations.
I got astonished when I heard the then attorney general, Gerald Gahima endeavouring to explain how the Interahamwe killed the tourists. I don’t think that Gerald Gahima knew anything about the plan apart from being told what to say.
4. When the late Andre Kisasu Ngandu the vice-chairman of the late President Laurent Kabila was killed, the Government of Rwanda, which was fighting along side Kabila to overthrow the Government of Mobutu, announced that Kisasu Ngandu was killed in an ambush by the Interahamwe and the ex-FAZ (ex-Force Armées Zairoises). Yet, he was killed by the RPA officers and men who are up-to-date serving in the RPF army.
His assassination was planned by James Kabalebe and Jack Nziza under the orders of Paul Kagame because Ngandu was opposed to the killing of refugees.
5. A group of Ugandans were detained in the former house of the director of special intelligence Senior Superintendent Gacinya and killed in November 2004. This house is one of the clandestine detention house, where they keep people incommunicado, until they decide their fate. The house is located at Muhima and is managed by Assistants Inspector of Police Munana and Nshuti.
The Ugandan victims were:
7. and Kato.
After their murder, the bodies were taken to the Akagera National Park, burnt and the ashes thrown in the Akagera River. All these killings were ordered by General Kagame and his collaborators.
Regarding other human rights abuses, nearly 11 years after RPF takeover, people are still being killed and tortured in prisons by the security organs especially DMI and Special Intelligence using electric wires.
I once again appeal to human rights organisations and the international community to make their own counter investigations and insure that Kagame is held accountable for those crimes. It is the only way to put an end to impunity in the Great Lakes region.
Similarly, I call upon Rwandans to come out boldly and say the truth because not doing so will boost the impunity of criminals.
2nd Lt. Aloys RUYENZI
Source : Editions Sources du nil
Gasasira, in hiding in a safe house somewhere in Kampala, said he has recently got credible information and signals that suggest that Rwandan President Paul Kagame is determined to hunt him down and eliminate him.
The acting editor of Umuvugizi, Jean-Leonard Rugambage, was shot dead in front of his home in Kigali on June 24.
Gasasira said Kagame has been sending his intelligence agents to Kampala, partly to try and persuade Gasasira to return to Rwanda and partly to kill him. He says the latest method being considered by Kagame’s agents is to have him poisoned.
World news media in recent months has been dominated by reports of state-inspired assassinations and attempted assassinations of prominent Rwandans, including Rugambage, the former army chief of staff, Lt. Gen. Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, André Kagwa Rwisereka, the vice chairman of the opposition Democratic Green Party, and Denis Ntare, a former chief of staff of the Tutsi rebel leader Laurent Nkunda.
The latest spate of assassinations and attempts in President Paul Kagame’s Rwanda have come as a surprise to western and African commentators only because amid all the positive media reporting on Rwanda since 1994, they scarcely asked questions about many such incidents spread over two decades since 1990.
Kagame’s trail of murder and genocide
The article on the Wikipedia online encyclopedia on Kagame leaves out many key details on him, thus leaving the reader with an incomplete picture of one of the most prominent guerrilla leaders in Africa over the last 25 years.
The Uganda Record will attempt to render a more complete picture.
Paul Rutagambwa Kagame was born on Oct. 23, 1957 in Ruhango, Rwanda to Deogratius and Asteria Rutagambwa.
He is reportedly from the Abaganza clan of the Tutsi, although other sources say he is from the Abega clan. Kagame’s home area is said by some sources to be Gitarama, while his wife, Jeanette Nyiramongi Kagame, is from Gikongoro.
In 1962, the Rutagambwa family, along with thousands of other Tutsi refugees, fled Rwanda following an aborted Tutsi uprising against the mainly Hutu independence government of Rwanda. They were re-located to the Gahunge refugee camp in the then Toro district of western Uganda.
Kagame attended Rwengoro Primary School in Kamwenge in the then Toro district of western Uganda. Kagame speaks fluent Rutooro, the language of the Batooro tribe.
After his primary school education, he was moved to the Nakivaale refugee camp in Ankole, in western Uganda. Kagame also enrolled in the leading secondary school in Ankole at the time, Ntare School.
While the date he joined Ntare is unclear, it can be assumed to have been about 1970 or 1971.
Most of Kagame’s publicly-known life story jumps from his Ntare School days to his joining Yoweri Museveni’s Front for National Salvation (FRONASA) guerrilla group in 1979.
Much of the period from about 1975 to 1979 is left as a blank space. It is one of several passages in Kagame’s life that he keeps out of the public domain. For example, the Kagame life story as it is publicly known stresses Ntare School but is silent on his period as a student at Old Kampala Secondary School.
In the mid 1990s, a Ugandan journalist who attempted to write a biography on Kagame had all his materials and photographs seized by Rwandan intelligence agents on behalf of the then Vice President Kagame.
In or about 1976, Kagame joined the Uganda Police force, something he has been careful to keep out of the public’s knowledge. Information gathered from a source on Dec. 13, 2008 states that in that period, Kagame lived in the northern Ugandan town of Gulu along with many other Tutsis.
The source believes they were working as spies on behalf of Museveni’s FRONASA. Considering how many FRONASA men had been infiltrated into Idi Amin’s State Research Bureau national intelligence agency in the 1970s and Kagame’s penchant for intelligence and other covert work, the Uganda Record can only speculate whether Kagame as a Uganda Police officer might have doubled as a State Research Bureau operative as well.
In Feb. 1979, when the Tanzania-Uganda war reached Mbarara town in western Uganda, Kagame joined FRONASA, or openly joined FRONASA. What Kagame did under FRONASA between 1979 and 1980 or where he was based or deployed is also not clear or public.
He emerges again in the records as one of the « original 27 » or « original 36 » or « original 41 » men that Museveni says he invaded the Kabamba Infantry Training School with on Feb. 6, 1981 as a new guerrilla force known as the Popular Resistance Army (PRA).
During that Feb. 6, 1981 attack, three PRA guerrillas Hannington Mugabi, Jack Muchunguzi, and Paul Kagame received slight injuries.
After the PRA merged with the Uganda Freedom Fighters of the former President Yusufu Lule on June 9, 1981 to form the National Resistance Army (NRA), Kagame was appointed to head the NRA tribunal in Luwero Triangle.
This tribunal executed captured soldiers of the UNLA government army and tried and executed NRA guerrillas suspected of being agents of the UPC government of Milton Obote. Rather than use bullets for the firing squad, the NRA used small, blunt hoes called « Akafuni » to bludgeon their victims in the head.
Kagame’s ruthlessness earned him the nickname « Pilato » among his fellow NRA guerrillas.
When the NRA cut off western Uganda in Aug. 1985 following the military coup that overthrew the Obote government, Kagame was transferred to the NRA’s new headquarters in Fort Portal town.
In Aug. 1985, the NRA hijacked a Uganda Airlines Fokker Friendship F-27 aircraft after it landed at the airfield as Kasese town, about 74km west of Fort Portal. It was Kagame whom the NRA charged with handling the hijack.
Coordinating the hijack from Entebbe International Airport had been NRA guerrillas Winnie Byanyima and Lt. Fred Mwesigye who was a secret NRA guerrilla but working as a UNLA intelligence officer based in Entebbe.
In this same period in 1985, the NRA set up a roadblock at the Katunguru bridge area along the Kasese-Mbarara road in the Queen Elizabeth National Park in western Uganda.
The UNLA sent a contingent of soldiers to reinforce Kasese town. These UNLA troops then traveled in trailers to the area.
The troops were ambushed and surrounded by the NRA at the Katunguru roadblock. The NRA officer, Paul Kagame, ordered the trailers to be locked up with all the UNLA soldiers inside.
Several days later, a major stench came out of the trailers and when it was opened, the decomposing bodies of the UNLA soldiers lay on the floors.
Kagame at the NRA’s Military Intelligence Directorate
After the NRA seized state power in 1986, Kagame was deployed at the Military Intelligence headquarters at Basiima House as an intelligence officer.
He rose in office to become the head of administration in the Directorate of Military Intelligence. He shared an office cubicle with another NRA intelligence officer, Aronda Nyakirima. Contrary to a widely-held belief, Kagame has never been the director of Military Intelligence in Uganda but only the head of administration in Military Intelligence.
As director of administration in the NRA’s Military Intelligence, an NRA intelligence officer, Lt. Kenneth Kanyogonya, recalls an incident in which he, Kanyogonya, investigated an NRA officer called Alex who had brought into Uganda a machine that printed fake bank notes.
Kanyogonya had Alex arrested and he reported the case to Kagame. That afternoon, Kagame ordered the release of Alex and sharply rebuked Kanyogonya, ordering him to leave matters alone that were none of his business.
Lt. Kanyogonya, today a Kampala businessman, says he marvels when he reads and hears the many reports that portray Paul Kagame as « incorruptible. »
In 1990, the army sent Kagame to the United States’ military college at Fort Leavenworth for advanced military instruction.
Intrigue and murder within the RPF
Late in Oct. 1990, more than three weeks into the invasion of Rwanda by a Tutsi-led guerrilla force, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), a mutiny or infighting of some form took place.
The overall commander of the RPA invaders, Maj. Gen. Fred Rwigyema, was shot dead in the back of his head, reportedly by a clique in the RPA led by Maj. Dr. Peter Bayingana, Maj. Chris Bunyenyezi and Maj. Frank Munyaneza.
Hundreds of RPA guerrillas were massacred by their fellow RPA guerrillas and their bodies thrown into the Akagera River. It was the first report of bodies floating down the Akagera River.
After Rwigyema’s death, Maj. Gen. Salim Saleh, the former army commander and younger brother to Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, personally took Kagame to the RPA headquarters inside Rwanda whereupon Kagame took charge of the shattered force and reorganised it.
In its early days, the RPF — the political and administrative wing of the RPA — tried to allay fears of Rwanda’s Hutu majority that the RPF was a Tutsi force bent on seizing power and installing a Tutsi-only regime.
A number of Hutu, including a Col. Alexis Kanyarengwe were recruited and given prominent positions in the RPF. Kanyarengwe, a former Rwandan army officer who had fallen out with and been jailed by President Juvenal Habyarimana, was named the RPF’s Chairman.
However, on May 17, 1991, John Shyirambere Barahinyura, head of Information and Research, RPF and a Hutu, resigned from the RPF « after finding out that RPF has no other intentions for Rwanda other than being in power. »
In his statement of resignation, Barahinyura said: « Nobody can take orders from Kanyarengwe without first asking Paul Kagame. »
On Jan. 29, 1991, a Kampala newsletter, The Shariat, reported that Kagame had been injured in fighting in Rwanda or in some kind of assassination attempt.
« Lt. Col. Paul Kagame the man who succeeded the late Maj. Gen. Fred Rwigyema as the overall Commander of R.PA is missing. According to reliable sources, Lt. Col. Paul Kagame was seriously injured and was quietly taken to a military hospital abroad. But it is not known whether Lt. Col. Paul Kagame was shot by fellow R.P.A soldiers or by the enemy (Rwandese government soldiers). After the incident Lt. Col. Kanyarengwe was immediately appointed overall commander of R.P.A and Chairman R.P.F, » The Shariat reported.
On July 28, 1991, the deputy commander of the RPA at the time of its invasion of Rwanda on Oct. 1, 1990, Lt. Col. Adam Wasswa, died in a car accident at Lyantonde town in south-central Uganda where he and Kagame were in the same Toyota Landcruiser traveling for an RPF High Command meeting inside Rwanda. A one Captain Kairangwa also died in the accident.
Adam Wasswa’s family lived in Mbarara and he had been recruited into FRONASA in 1979 by Yoweri Museveni. Wasswa was a Rwandan Tutsi royal and was close to and supported the ambitions of the ousted Rwandan King Kigeli V.
The Citizen newspaper of Kampala commented on Jan. 3, 1991: « The Rwandese Patriotic Front which stormed Rwanda on October 1, 1990…are said to be tied up in a historical power struggle. Reports reaching The Citizen say that RPF is divided on three ethnic groupings within the Tutsi tribe. It is alleged that among the Tutsi there are three different groups each with its own objectives.
« The groups are referred to as Abega, Abanyiginya and the commoners. It is further alleged that Abanyiginya are the true Kings of Rwanda…Reports further say that after the death of the top three commanders, Major Paul Kagame who is said to be from the Abega group took over leadership, which is said to be unacceptable to the Abanyiginya led by Kigeli the last king of Rwanda and Major Adam Wasswa. It is alleged that [the] King Kigeli group has played a very significant role disorganising the RPF, distorting the whole cause to a mere power struggle…On [the] Uganda side,it is reported that from Kamwezi through Kishuro hills down Kahondo valleys [valley] insecurity is on the increase. »
A strong rumour had persisted among Rwanda’s Tutsi ever since Adam Wasswa’s death that he was, in fact, killed by Kagame and he did not die in a car accident. However there are no independent details to confirm or refute this belief.
Rose Kabuye’s revelations about the RPF’s methods and beliefs
In 1993, for reasons not clear, Kagame ordered the arrest and jailing of Lt. Rose Kabuye, one of the most prominent female RPF guerrillas. She spent a year in the RPF jail.
Kabuye had left Uganda as a Lieutenant in the NRA at the time of the Oct. 1, 1990 invasion. She was one of the RPF officers involved in the preparations and discussions that became the Arusha II peace talks in 1993 in Arusha, Tanzania.
One part of the RPF prison was called the « university », for those prisoners condemned to die. Kabuye was in the prison designated for senior RPF officers.
Kabuye, during her detention, told her guards that during the Arusha peace talks with Habyarimana’s government she personally pushed for the RPF to be given the Ministry of Internal Affairs even if it did not get any other ministry.
The RPF felt that the Interior ministry controlled all the vital grassroots local government institutions they needed to reach the common people.
She handled logistical and administrative work in Mbarara for the RPA during the first weeks of the October 1990 invasion.
Kabuye, while in prison, said that one of the strategic plans of the exiled Tutsis after 1959 was to select beautiful girls to marry rich Ugandans. Then once they got children, the Tutsi women would discreetly poison their Ugandan husbands and inherit the money and property.
Some of the money was to be used to educate the young refugees in camps in Uganda. That is why, said Kabuye to her guards, most beautiful Tutsi women in Uganda are almost all widows.
RPF takeover and Paul Kagame’s reign of terror
The RPF guerrillas took power in Kigali in July 1994 in an assault on the capital led by Col. William Bagire and the field operation commanded by Lt. Col. Stephen Ndugute. Ndugute had been a Marine in the 1970s Uganda Army of President Idi Amin.
Kagame was named Vice President and Chairman of the RPA High Command. Dr. Emmanuel Ndahiro, who today is director of Rwandan state security, the National Security Service, was the spokesman of Maj. Gen. Kagame.
In the parts of Rwanda that the RPF rebels controlled in 1992 to 1993, massacres of Hutu civilians were widely known but little reported in the major western news media. A man called Rubulika Kayongo was the Mayor of Kyaruhogo; he and a Colonel Twahirwa Dodo coordinated these killings with hoes in the area. Kagame selected them to coordinate the massacres because of their ruthlessness.
Massacres of Hutu and seizure of their land continued after the RPF took power. At an army barracks at Karangazi, Hutus killed were concealed in a pit in the barracks covered by wooden boards. The barracks is located in the middle of a wooded and forested area.
As vice president and Minister of Defence, Kagame used to visit the Karangazi army barracks and he knew about the massacre of the Hutu there.
According to Maj. Furuma Alphonse, a former officer of RPF, in an open letter to President Kagame, « From the time Arusha Peace Agreement was being negotiated up to as late as 1996, you [Kagame] carried out a deliberate policy of using all means possible to reduce the Hutu population in the Umutara, Kibungo and Bugesera regions ».
These Hutu areas were deliberately resettled by Tutsi returnees from Uganda, Tanzania and Burundi respectively. Families of many top RPF leaders are among those who were resettled here.
In 1995, Sixbert Musangamfura, a former director of Rwanda’s intelligence services, issued a statement to the press in Nairobi, Kenya saying he had information on the killings of 312,726 Hutu who were then buried in over 300 graves.
Theoneste Majoro Lizinde, a Hutu who joined the RPA about a year before they took power, became the Commandant of the RPA’s General Headquarters. It was he who actually planned the RPA war in detail in its final phase.
After the RPF formed a government, he was part of the army but later fled to Nairobi after falling out with the government.
A sergeant called Jean Pierre of the RPA’s Directorate of Military Intelligence was dispatched by the Director of the RPA’s Military Intelligence, Lt. Col. Jackson Rwahama, to search for Lizinde in Nairobi.
Jean Pierre was a Rwandan Tutsi who had grown up in Mushiha in Burundi. Lizinde was then gunned down in Nairobi by Jean Pierre and other Kagame’s agents.
A Hutu and former Interior Minister under the RPF, Seth Sedashonga, at that time in exile in Nairobi and who also was to be gunned down on Kagame’s orders, told the British newspaper the Sunday Express whom he thought could have killed Lizinde.
« There is no doubt who sent the assassins. A Rwandan diplomat was arrested nearby, carrying a pistol. So why should Protector Kagame want to kill his former colleagues in the rebel movement and in government ? « Because I and Sixbert know too much. We know there is a deliberate policy of ethnic cleansing. We know they are attempting social engineering on a vast, murderous scale. Why? First, to instill terror. Then to even up the population figures. Look at the Rwandan equation: how can a minority tribe of 1+ million govern a country dominated by a tribe of enemies who outnumber them three to one ? » He pauses, and looks back at their lists that litter the table and patio. They want to make it Hutus 50 per cent, Tutsi 50 per cent. But to do that they will have to kill a lot of Hutus. » (Sunday Express, April 21, 1996)
Sixbert Musangamfura added: « When I was in charge of civilian intelligence I started to make a list. I had a network of informers, and soon saw that something bad was going on. By the time I left in August 1995, we had the confirmed names, dates and methods of killing of 100,000 people. But the killing still went on after I fled, and we are investigating the fates of another 200,000 people. » (Sunday Express, April 21, 1996)
In one of its March 1999 editions, the French newspaper Libération described the disappearance of Collège St André in Kigali. Libération disclosed that more than 100,000 Hutu had been burnt in crematorium created by the RPF in Mutara. SOS Rwanda-Burundi was the first to compile a list of criminals of the RPF.
There have been many more reports of Kagame’s atrocities going back into the 1980s and 1990s, including the Kibeho Hutu refugee camp in 1995 to the gunning down or disappearance without a trace of many Tutsi RPF army officers, to the gunning down of journalists and the recent attempt to murder Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa.
8,000 Hutus were massacred by the RPF in the Kibeho camp in southwest of Rwanda in April 1995. The Shariat newspaper, reporting on the gruesome massacre of Hutus in 1995, said:
« Before RPF attacked Rwanda, there was no time in the history of that country when any government ever surrounded defenceless civilians there and bombed dead 8,000 of them as RPF recently did at Kibeho camp in south western Rwanda… »
This is the RPF’s Rwanda, the « Singapore of Africa ».
Support real freedom and democracy in Africa
by the Africa Faith and Justice Network, Friends of the Congo, Hotel Rwanda/Rusesabagina Foundation, International Humanitarian Law Institute of Minnesota, Institute for Policy Studies, Mobilization for Justice and Peace in Congo
Source: San Francisco BayView
President Obama said, in his 2009 speech in Accra, Ghana, that America should support strong institutions and not strong men. However, in the case of Rwanda, this has been no more than rhetoric. Rwandans, like most Africans, cheered Obama’s election, hoping that it might signal a new, more peaceful and cooperative relationship between the U.S. and Africa, but Obama has expanded AFRICOM, the U.S. Africa Command, and now he remains silent as Rwanda’s strongman, President Paul Kagame, prepares a sham presidential election to retain his brutal grip on power.
On Aug. 3, in Washington D.C., we, Africa advocates, will gather at the National Press Club to call on President Obama and the U.S. State Department not to recognize the legitimacy of Rwanda’s upcoming Aug. 9 election results and to stop militarizing Africa and supporting repressive regimes.
“The U.S. policy has been to support strongmen,” says Maurice Carney, executive director of Friends of the Congo. “And at the head of the class is Paul Kagame, who has received military support, weapons, training and intelligence and as a result has been able to invade its neighbor, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and sustain proxy militia fighting there to rob the Congolese people of their natural resources. He has contributed to the death of over 6 million people in Congo and to the destabilization of Africa’s whole Great Lakes region.”
Assassinations, arrests, disappearances, imprisonment and torture of both politicians and press critical of Kagame have led up to Rwanda’s Aug. 9 presidential polls, and now the question is not “Will Rwanda’s August 2010 election be free and fair?” but “How much more violence will the population suffer from Rwandan police, military and security operatives?”
And how much longer will President Obama continue to support the brutal Kagame regime in the heart of Africa, even though 40 of Kagame’s top officers and officials have been indicted in both Spanish and French courts for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide? Kagame himself has not been indicted by these courts but only because he is a sitting head of state and indictment would therefore be a declaration of war.
“Kagame is doing everything he can think of, including killing journalists, jailing and torturing political opponents and denying political opponents their constitutional right to register their parties to exclude them from the election. Because as soon as he loses the presidency, he is likely to be tried for all the mass killings he ordered,” says Rwandan exile, writer and activist Aimable Mugara, who now lives in Toronto.
All the viable opposition has been kept out of the election, but four Kagame allies have agreed to stand so as to make it appear that Rwanda is having a real election.
Leading presidential candidate Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, who was arrested and indicted on trumped up charges to prevent her from registering to run against Kagame, has said that she will not vote and has urged other Rwandans not to vote either. “We know that the military and police will use violence against the population,” Ingabire said, “but we have to fight for our rights. There is no reason to vote if you don’t have a choice.”
In May, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson announced that the U.S. government plans to send a dozen teams of election observers to Rwanda before the Aug. 9 polls, but many Rwandans now say they will only be wasting U.S. taxpayers’ money.
“There is no reason to vote if you don’t have a choice.” – Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
“Why do people seriously think of going there to observe elections?” asked Charles Kambanda, an American of Rwandan origin, former member of Kagame’s RPF Party and former professor at Makarere University in Kampala, Uganda. “Which elections are they going to observe? There is nothing to be observed, because what we have is a one-man show. What we have is a situation where the government has created the so-called opposition.
“The RPF has kicked out all the real opposition leaders. They are either under house arrest, like Victoire Ingabire, or in prison or they are already dead or they are in exile.”
“Foreign election observers planning to go to Rwanda to observe the ‘election’ this August are wasting time and money,” said Aimable Mugara. “I would recommend that they stay in their countries and write their reports based on all the insane actions Gen. Kagame’s ruling party has taken since the beginning of this year, actions that make this so-called election null and void.”
The United States government has provided not only election observers but also over $1,034,000,000 in United States taxpayer-funded foreign assistance to Rwanda since 2000. An additional $240,200,000 is proposed in the president’s fiscal year 2011 budget.
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J’ai été très troublé par le dossier fort étoffé que m’a fait parvenir Bernard Desgagné qui accuse la Société Radio-Canada de se faire la complice de Paul Kagame, “le plus grand assassin sur terre depuis Hitler”. Il accuse notre télévision d’État de perpétuer l’histoire convenue du génocide rwandais qui, selon mon correspondant, ne serait pas du tout aussi simple que ce que l’on nous a expliqué sur toutes les ondes.
Dans son dossier, Desgagné résume que la fable véhiculée par Radio-Canada est assez simple: des extrémistes hutus fomentaient au Rwanda un génocide des Tutsis depuis des années et sont passés aux actes entre avril et juillet 1994. Selon la version officielle, Paul Kagame, chef du Front patriotique a chassé ces extrémistes du pouvoir et mis fin au génocide, devenant ainsi un grand héros. Ce qui aurait permis au même Kagame d’obtenir des milliards d’aide internationale, argent qu’il accuse d’avoir été détourné pour alimenter la “machine à tuer” qu’est L’APR (armée patriotique rwandaise).
“Croire à cette histoire il y a quinze ans était normal à cause de la désinformation appuyée par la Grande-Bretagne et les États-Unis. Mais on dispose aujourd’hui d’éléments très probants qui la contredisent et qui maintiennent au pouvoir un psychopathe assassin, complice d’un massacre qui a commencé en fait en 1990 lorsque l’ARP a attaqué le Rwanda à partir de l’Ouganda, et ça se poursuit de nos jours”.
Le 18 décembre 2008, le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda a rejeté les quarante éléments de preuve qu’un procureur avait présentées pour démontrer qu’il y avait eu entente en vue de commettre un génocide. Toujours d’après ce dossier l’absence de preuves de planification par les supposés extrémistes du régime Habyarimana et la responsabilité probable de l’APR dans les assassinats ciblés s’ajoute à beaucoup de nouvelles informations qui contredisent la version officielle que transmet Radio-Canada.
Les témoignages recueillis par Peter Verlinden au sujet des massacres d’avril 1994 sont très importants. En effet, des témoins directs, ni hutus ni tutsis affirment avoir vu des soldats de L’APR se livreer au massacre de dizaine de milliers de civils innocents dans une seule région !
“Bref, les corps qui flottaient dans les rivières, c’était l’oeuvre de l’APR”, selon ces renseignements. Il y a bel et bien eu génocide, mais il n’a pas été planifié et exécuté comme on a tenté de nous le faire croire. Comme a dit le ministre belge des Affaires étrangères, Willy Claes, “Paul Kagame est au moins en partie responsable du génocide rwandais”.
Dans sa page Web, Radio-Canada affirme que, le 6 avril 1994, l’avion du président rwandais Juvénal Habyarimana a été abattu “par des extrémistes hutus” et il affirme que le FPR a arrêté le génocide et que le gouvernement de Kagame y a mis fin.
Affirmations pourtant contredites par les enquêtes de la justice française et espagnole qui ont pris connaissance des preuves accumulées contre Kagame par l’enquêteur australien Michael Hourigan.
Ces massacres qui auraient fait 7 millions de morts auraient été entrepris, selon ce dossier, par l’APR qui aurait planifié le génocide et commis une bonne partie des massacres mis sur le compte des hutus, y compris l’élimination d’un grand nombre de tutsis sacrifiés pour la cause.
Je ne puis rentrer dans tous les détails, dont certains font frissonner d’horreur, mais je pense que s’il est vrai que ces crimes contre l’humanité sont demeurés impunis à cause de la complicité anglo-américaine, il y a lieu non seulement de poser des questions, mais d’exiger une enquête impartiale au niveau international afin d’inculper, s’il y a lieu, celui qu’on compare à Hitler, Pol Pot et autres fous furieux de ce monde.
Je vous incite donc fortement à prendre connaissance de ces dossiers explosifs avant d’arrêter votre opinion. L’adresse est la suivante: http://web.mac.com/bernarddesgagne/Rwanda/Accueil.html
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